“Mistakes were certainly made” by security forces while responding to the uprising: deposed Bangladesh PM Sheikh Hasina
Fifteen months after leaving capital Dhaka in the midst of an uprising, Bangladesh’s deposed Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has said that ‘mistakes’ were “certainly made” by security forces while responding to the ‘disordered situation’ during last year’s student-people uprising. In a written interview to The Hindu, Ms. Hasina who fled Bangladesh on August 5, 2025 said she has her “doubts” on whether the election in Bangladesh would be held in February 2026 saying that even if held, the polls would not be recognised as valid as her party Awami League remains banned. However, Ms. Hasina said that she has not called upon her supporters to boycott the election and cautioned against “yet more violent uprising”. “Our security personnel on the ground were responding to fast-changing and violent circumstances. Mistakes were certainly made in the way some members of the security forces responded to the violence, but the decisions made by senior government officials were proportionate in nature, made in good faith and intended to minimise the loss of life,” said Ms. Hasina in her response to a question. Ms. Hasina’s response came as the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT) in Dhaka has been preparing to deliver a verdict on her and several top members of her deposed government. Ironically it was Ms. Hasina who after staging a return to power in 2009 had re-established the ICT to deliver justice for the individuals who had colluded with Pakistan Army in 1971. Ms. Hasina has recently approached the International Criminal Court seeking probe into reported violence carried out by elements that are close to the interim government led by Nobel laureate Prof. Mohammed Yunus. “A guilty verdict is pre-determined, and I will not be surprised when it comes. But the ICT is a sham tribunal controlled by my political enemies, who are intent on destroying the Awami League as a political force. The call for a death sentence serves the same murderous aim,” said Ms. Hasina who reiterated that she “did not resign” before leaving on August 5, 2024. “To resign as Prime Minister, you have to submit a letter to the President. I never signed such a letter, nor did the President receive one,” she said. Ms. Hasina accused the interim government of Bangladesh for not being responsive to domestic and international calls for holding election in the past fifteen months saying, “I am not confident that the February elections will go ahead,” and added, “Even if the elections take place, they will not be legitimate if the Awami League remains banned from taking part.” She said, the interim government is “intent on clinging on to power at all costs”. “They are not elected, they have no commitment to the principles of public accountability. That, rather than the timing of the poll, is the key issue,” said Ms. Hasina arguing that the ban on Awami League “is damaging for all parties” and emphasised that Awami League will campaign in a “peaceful” manner for holding an inclusive election. “Let me be clear: I have not called for a boycott. The point I was making was that millions of Awami League voters will not vote at all if they are denied the chance to support their preferred choice,” said Ms. Hasina, explaining, “Whatever happens our campaign will be peaceful. The last thing Bangladesh needs is yet more violent upheaval.” The contest for political power in Bangladesh has sharpened in recent weeks after Mr. Yunus presided over a ceremony where several major political parties signed the July Proclamation, that aims to incorporate a set of guiding principles to govern Bangladesh in the coming years. The political parties are divided over the path ahead regarding the July Charter with the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami demanding that a referendum should be held on the July Charter ahead of the election so that the election process could be guided by the Charter itself while the biggest political party Bangladesh Nationalist Party demanding that the referendum and the polls should be held together in February. BNP leaders have also said that the interim government does not have the authority to bring in the charter that could alter the constitution of Bangladesh. Responding to the debate on the July Proclamation, Ms. Hasina said, “The country does not need a new charter. The charter does not reflect the voices of the people of Bangladesh… I am skeptical that the referendum will be democratic in nature.” She also described the July Proclamation as a “dangerous business” that “distorts” Bangladesh’s history which includes the role of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the 1971 Liberation War against the Pakistani military. “You cannot eradicate history just because it is inconvenient. Our liberation struggle is something Bangladeshis are proud of, not ashamed of,” said Ms. Hasina.The fifteen month long exile is the longest that Ms. Hasina has undergone since returning to Dhaka in 1981 when she ended her exile in Europe and India of around six years following the assassination of her father Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on August 15, 1975. However, she blamed the “prevailing political climate” for not returning at present. Ms. Hasina blamed the interim government for the reported growth of extremist movements in Bangladesh. “The fact that Yunus has appointed some extremists to his Cabinet also sends them an encouraging message and, no doubt, practical assistance too,” said Ms. Hasina. In her observation on the interim government’s outreach to Pakistan, Ms. Hasina said, the people of Bangladesh will “never” forget the atrocities committed by Pakistani military in 1971 and said, “Of course, it makes sense to have a constructive relationship with Pakistan. But it must be measured and balanced, rather than pursued at headlong speed and with total disregard for our most important relationship, which is and always will be our relationship with India.”
Was there any intelligence failure and most importantly do you think you could have dealt with the situation differently?
This was a disordered situation that descended rapidly. It wasn’t easy to keep track of events but before long it became clear that the initial protests had descended into complete lawlessness. This was no longer a political movement, but an angry mob intent on exacting vengeance. Our security personnel on the ground were responding to fast-changing and violent circumstances. Mistakes were certainly made in the way some members of the security forces responded to the violence, but the decisions made by senior government officials were proportionate in nature, made in good faith and intended to minimise the loss of life.
You have said earlier that there was a conspiracy against your government so who would you blame for the conspiracy?
The violent uprising of last summer was a meticulously coordinated attack on our democracy, fronted by Muhammad Yunus, and carried out by so-called “students”, the leaders of whom were actually seasoned political firebrands.
Yunus has been lionised for years by liberal elites in the West, owing to his previous work as an economist. So even though he wasn’t elected, his seizure of power was welcomed by many western commentators. What those commentators didn’t realise, at least at first, was that Yunus was being used as the acceptable face of the interim government, while the extremists in his cabinet got on with the business of organising attacks on religious minorities and political dissenters.
Now that the violence and chaos of his regime is being laid bare, hopefully some of Yunus’s western sponsors are deserting him.
I can’t emphasise this enough: his government is unelected, yet it is seeking to ban a political party that was democratically elected by the people. This is an outrageous move.
The Yunus government has said they will go for election in February 2026. Do you think they will hold the polls on time?
In 15 months of rule, the Yunus government has not held an election, despite calls from every corner of society and the international community. I am not confident that the February elections will go ahead. Even if the elections take place, they will not be legitimate if the Awami League remains banned from taking part. We are supported by tens of millions of Bangladeshis. You cannot disenfranchise millions of people and then claim you are governing by consent.
It seems to me that Yunus, or the extremists who control him, are intent on clinging onto power at all costs. They are not elected, they have no commitment to the principles of public accountability. That, rather than the timing of the poll, is the key issue.
There are calls from Jamaat and some student activists for giving death sentence to you and former members of your government by the International Crimes Tribunal. How will you deal with death sentence from the ICT?
A guilty verdict is pre-determined, and I will not be surprised when it comes. But the ICT is a sham tribunal controlled by my political enemies, who are intent on destroying the Awami League as a political force. The call for a death sentence serves the same murderous aim.
I’m not afraid to defend myself and my record in a fair and impartial court of law. That is why I have repeatedly challenged the Yunus regime to bring these charges before the ICC. He won’t do so, because there is no genuine evidence to support charges of crimes against humanity and he knows the ICC would acquit me. He also knows that the ICC would investigate the list of extra-judicial abuses against religious minorities and Awami League members that have happened under his rule – a list which sadly lengthens with every passing day.
Did you resign before leaving and if yes, then did you submit your resignation letter to anyone in Dhaka? Can you please elaborate?
I did not resign. I do not recognize, and have never recognized, the legitimacy of Dr Yunus’s so-called interim administration, which exists outside our constitution and has never been elected.
To resign as Prime Minister, you have to submit a letter to the President. I never signed such a letter, nor did the President receive one. Leaving Dhaka was not a decision I took lightly but was one of necessity. It became clear that to remain would put not only my life but also the lives of those around me in grave danger. The security environment had become increasingly untenable and very real threats were being made on my life and those of my family, friends and colleagues.
In the interview with Reuters you have said your party and supporters will boycott election.
Let me be clear: I have not called for a boycott. The point I was making was that millions of Awami League voters will not vote at all if they are denied the chance to support their preferred choice. This is simply an observation of the way Bangladeshi voters have tended to behave in previous elections when their party was not running. Bangladeshi voters are not interested in supporting second-choice candidates. And why should they be? They deserve the opportunity to vote for politicians of their own choosing, rather than candidates foisted on them by the interim government.
We believe that the ban on the Awami League is damaging for all parties, as well as bad for the country, because it delegitimizes government and governance in our country. We still hope that common sense may prevail and that this ban will be lifted.
Whatever happens, our campaign will be peaceful. The last thing Bangladesh needs is yet more violent upheaval.
Since its founding in 1949, the Awami League has come to power nine times through the direct votes of the people. The party has never seized power by unconstitutional or illegal means.
Is there a way that you would like to return in the near future and what would be the occasion when you would like to return despite the risks?
I would of course love to return home, but the political climate makes this impossible. On the other hand, I firmly believe that democracy will prevail in Bangladesh. It is what our great people fought for at the time of our national independence.
My priority is and always will be the stability and prosperity of Bangladesh. The only path to ensuring that is through free, fair and inclusive elections. Until these happen, the Awami League will continue advocating for democracy, the constitution, secular rule and respect for minority rights.
The interim government is saying that they want to hold a referendum on the July Charter. What in your opinion – is the aim of introducing the July Charter, and why are they planning to introduce the referendum on the Charter?
The ‘July Charter’ is a political instrument designed to legitimise authoritarian rule under the guise of reform. Bangladesh already has a constitution, which has served it well for over 50 years. The country does not want or need a new charter. The charter does not reflect the voices of the people of Bangladesh. It has been crafted by an unelected government for the benefit of Yunus’s cronies.
I am sceptical that the referendum will be democratic in nature.
There are sections that are demanding the referendum and the general election should be held together and then there are the Jamaat and NCP who want the referendum to be held before. What in your opinion is better?
There should be no referendum, because there should be no charter.
Constitutional meddling is a dangerous business for any country, but especially when it is being motivated by party-political gain. This measure distorts the history of Bangladesh’s independence, airbrushing the struggles of our founding father Sheikh Mujibur Rahman against the oppression of the East Pakistani military in favour of the violent uprising orchestrated by members of the NCP.
Rather than providing a foundation for long-term growth and stability, as any constitution should, this Charter is a cheap propaganda ploy by the NCP.
The July Charter does not mention the name of Sheikh Mujib. Do you think the new generation of Bangladesh is moving away from the legacy of the Liberation War of 1971?
You cannot eradicate history just because it is inconvenient. Our liberation struggle is something Bangladeshis are proud of, not ashamed of. It is not surprising that Yunus would seek to erase our hard-won battle for independence as he seeks to cosy up to Pakistan on the international stage.
BNP has said that the interim government has no authority to implement the July Proclamation. Do you sense that old rivals BNP and Awami League are suddenly on the same side?
Like the Awami League, the BNP is an established political party that can use its position to illustrate the democratic abuses committed by the Yunus regime. In any democracy, it is healthy to have a competition of ideas. The BNP and the Awami League have different supporter bases and any alliance between could prevent us from representing the views of our supporters.
I would add, however, that the BNP has a poor track record of respecting free, fair and participatory elections, having boycotted numerous elections in the past decade.
The Interim Government has gone ahead and warmed relation with Pakistan. What in your assessment is the goal of the interim government on Pakistan?
The atrocities committed by Pakistan will never be forgotten. If the interim government seeks to erase our liberation movement from the collective memory it will certainly fail. Let us also not forget that Pakistan has never publicly apologised for these acts of genocide.
Of course, it makes sense to have a constructive relationship with Pakistan. But it must be measured and balanced, rather than pursued at headlong speed and with total disregard for our most important relationship, which is and always will be our relationship with India.
There are reports of growing extremism in Bangladesh after the fall of your government. What factors are propelling this in Bangladesh at present?
In his first months in power, Yunus released numerous criminals known for their affiliation with international terrorist organisations.
Under the Yunus regime, these homegrown terrorist groups feel emboldened to spread a hardline ideology that seeks to oppress some of the most vulnerable in our society. The fact that Yunus has appointed some extremists to his cabinet also sends them an encouraging message and, no doubt, practical assistance too.
Yunus is a poor politician. He is not in control of these radical factions within his government. They control him. They use him to present an acceptable, moderate face to the western media. But ordinary Bangladeshis know that there is nothing moderate about his chaotic and violent administration.
Lastly, will you appoint an on the ground leader for Awami League to coordinate the party’s activity (despite the ban) as you are in exile?
The Awami League has never been about me or my family. We are a party with great depth and great roots across every corner of society. While we are banned from contesting the upcoming elections, our only recourse is to continue challenging the interim government’s unlawful and undemocratic acts legally, diplomatically, and peacefully.
Δημοσιεύτηκε: 2025-11-07 06:21:00
πηγή: www.thehindu.com
